Thefivechapters that folllow are modified
versions of thefive1988Masseylectures I delivered overCBCradio in nov.1988.
These lectures suggest certain conclusions about the functioning of
themostadvanced democraticsystems of the modern era, and particularly, about
the ways in which thought and understanding are shaped in the interests of
domestic privilege. Following these fivechapters are appendices that are
intended to serve, in effect, as extended footnotes amplifying some of the
points raised, separated from the text so as not to obscure toomuch the
continuity of the discussion. There is an appendix, divided into sections, for
each chapter. Each section is identified by the part of the text to which it
serves as an addendum. These appendices should be regarded merely as a sample.
As references indicate, some of the topics touched upon in the text and
appendices are explored in further detail elsewhere. Many of them merit serious
searchprojects.
The issues that arises are rooted in the
nature of western industrialsocieties and have been debated since their
origins. In capitalistDemocracies, there is a certain
tension with regard to the locus of power. In aDemocracy the people rule, in
principle. But decisionmakingpower over central areas of life resides in
private hands, with largescale effects throughout the social order. Oneway to
resolve the tension would be to extend the democraticsystem to investment, the
organisation to work, and so on. That would constitute a major social
revolution, which in my view at least, would consummate the political
revolutions of an earlier era and realise some of the libertarian principles on
which they were partly based. On the tension could be resolved, and sometimes
is, by forcefullyeliminating public interference with State and private power.
In the advanced industrial societies the problem is typicallyapproached by a
variety of measures to deprive democratic political structures of substantive
content, while leaving them formallyintact. A large part of this task is assumed
by ideological institutions that channel thought and attitudes within
acceptable boundes, deflecting any potential challenge to established privilege
and authority before it can take form and gather strength. The enterprise has
many facets and agents. I will be primarilyconcenred with oneaspect:
thoughtcontrol, as conducted through the agency of the nationalMedia and
related elements of the elite intellectualculture.
There is, in my opinion, much toolittle
inquiry into these matters. My personal feeling is that
citizens of the democratic societies should undertake a course of intellectual
selfdefense to protect themselves from manipulation and control, and to lay the
basis for moremeaningfulDemocracy. It is this concern that motivates the
material that follows, and much of the work cited in the course of the
discussion.
