1.
Hedges: Let’s begin with a classic paradigm
which is throughout the Industrial Revolution, which has been cited by
theorists from Marx to Kropotkin to Proudhon and to yourself, that you build a
consciousness among workers within the manufacturing class, and eventually you
lead to a kind of autonomous position where workers can control their own
production. We now live in a system, a globalized system, where most of the
working class in industrial countries like the United States are service
workers. We have reverted to a Dickensian system where those who actually
produced live in conditions that begin to replicate almost slave labor--and, I
think, as you have written, in places like southern China in fact are slave
[labor]. What’s the new paradigm for resistance? You know, how do we learn from
the old and confront the new?
2.
Chomsky: Well, I think we can draw many very
good lessons from the early period of the Industrial Revolution. It was, of course, earlier in England, but let’s take here in
the United States. The Industrial Revolution took off right around here,
eastern Massachusetts, mid 19th century. This was a period when independent farmers
were being driven into the industrial system--men and women, incidentally,
women from the farms, so-called factory girls--and they bitterly resented it. It was a
period of a very free press, the most in the history of the country. There was
a wide variety of journals, ethnic, labor, or others. And when you read them,
they’re pretty fascinating. The people driven into the industrial system
regarded it as an attack on their personal dignity, on their rights as human
beings. They were free human beings who were being
forced into what they called wage slavery, which they regarded as not very
different from chattel slavery. In fact,
this was such a popular view that it was actually a slogan of the Republican
Party, that the only difference between working for a wage and being a slave is
that working for a wage is supposedly temporary--pretty
soon you’ll be free. Other than that, they’re not different. And they bitterly
resented the fact that the industrial system was even taking away their rich
cultural life. And the cultural life was rich. You know, there are
by now studies of the British working class and the American working class, and
they were part of high culture of the day. Actually, I remembered this as late
as the 1930s with my own family, you know, sort of unemployed working-class,
and they said, this is being taken away from us, we’re being forced to be
something like slaves. They argued that if you’re, say, a journeyman, a
craftsman, and you sell your product, you’re selling what you produced. If you’re
a wage earner, you’re selling yourself, which is deeply offensive. They
condemned what they called the new spirit of the age: gain
wealth, forgetting all but self. Sounds familiar. And it was extremely
radical. It was combined with the most radical democratic movement in American
history, the early populist movement--radical farmers. It
began in Texas, spread into the Midwest--enormous movement of farmers who
wanted to free themselves from the domination by the Northeastern bankers and
capitalists, guys that ran the markets, you know, sort of forced them to sell
what they produced on credit and squeeze them with credit and so on. They went
on to develop their own banks, their own cooperatives. They started to link up
with the Knights of Labor--major labor movement which held that, as they put
it, those who work in the mills ought to own them, that it should be a free,
democratic society. These were very powerful movements. By the 1890s, you know,
workers were taking over towns and running them in Western Pennsylvania.
Homestead was a famous case. Well, they were
crushed by force. It took some time. Sort of the final blow was Woodrow
Wilson’s red scare right after the First World War, which virtually crushed the labor movement. At the
same time, in the early 19th century, the business world recognized, both in
England and the United States, that sufficient freedom had been won so that
they could no longer control people just by violence. They had to turn to new
means of control. The obvious ones were control of opinions and attitudes. That’s
the origins of the massive public relations industry, which is explicitly
dedicated to controlling minds and attitudes. The first--it partly was
government. The first government commission was the
British Ministry of Information. This is
long before Orwell--he didn’t have to invent it. So the Ministry of
Information had as its goal to control the minds of the people of the world, but particularly the minds of American intellectuals, for a
very good reason: they knew that if they can delude American intellectuals into
supporting British policy, they could be very effective in imposing that on the
population of the United States. The British, of course, were desperate to
get the Americans into the war with a pacifist population. Woodrow
Wilson won the 1916 election with the slogan “Peace without Victory”. And they
had to drive a pacifist population into a population that bitterly hated all
things German, wanted to tear the Germans apart. The Boston Symphony Orchestra
couldn’t play Beethoven. You know. And they succeeded. Wilson
set up a counterpart to the Ministry of Information called the Committee on
Public Information. You know, again, you can guess what it was. And they’ve at least felt, probably correctly, that they
had succeeded in carrying out this massive change of opinion on the part of the
population and driving the pacifist population into, you know, warmongering
fanatics. And the people on the commission learned a lesson. One of them
was Edward Bernays, who went on to found--the
main guru of the public relations industry. Another one was Walter Lippman, who was the leading progressive
intellectual of the 20th century. And they both drew the same lessons, and said
so. The lessons were that we have what Lippmann called a “new art” in democracy,
“manufacturing consent”. That’s where Ed Herman
and I took the phrase from. For Bernays it was “engineering
of consent”. The conception was that the intelligent minority, who of course is
us, have to make sure that we can run
the affairs of public affairs, affairs of state, the economy, and so on. We’re
the only ones capable of doing it, of course. And we have to be--I’m
quoting--”free of the trampling and the roar of the bewildered herd”, the “ignorant
and meddlesome outsiders”--the general public. They have a role. Their role is
to be “spectators”, not participants. And every couple of years they’re
permitted to choose among one of the “responsible men”, us. And the John Dewey circle took the same view. Dewey
changed his mind a couple of years later, to his credit, but at that time,
Dewey and his circle were writing that--speaking of the First World War, that this was
the first war in history that was not organized and manipulated by the military
and the political figures and so on, but rather it was carefully planned by
rational calculation of “the intelligent men of the community”, namely us,
and we thought it through carefully and decided that this is the reasonable
thing to do, for all kind of benevolent reasons. And they were very proud
of themselves. There were people who disagreed. Like, Randolph Bourne
disagreed. He was kicked out. He couldn’t write in the Deweyite journals. He
wasn’t killed, you know, but he was just excluded. And if you take a look
around the world, it was pretty much the same. The
intellectuals on all sides were passionately dedicated to the national
cause--all sides, Germans, British, everywhere. There were a few, a fringe of
dissenters, like Bertrand Russell, who was in jail; Karl Liebknecht and Rosa
Luxemburg, in jail; Randolph Bourne, marginalized; Eugene Debs,
in jail for daring to question the magnificence of the war. In fact, Wilson
hated him with such passion that when he finally declared an amnesty, Debs was
left out, you know, had to wait for Warren Harding to release him. And
he was the leading labor figure in the country. He was a candidate for
president, Socialist Party, and so on. But the lesson that came out is we believe
you can and of course ought to control the public, and if we can’t do it by force, we’ll do it by manufacturing
consent, by engineering of consent. Out of that comes the huge public relations
industry, massive industry dedicated to this. Incidentally, it’s also
dedicated to undermining markets, a fact that’s rarely noticed but is quite
obvious. Business hates markets. They don’t want to--and you can see it very
clearly. Markets, if you take an economics course, are based on rational,
informed consumers making rational choices. Turn on the
television set and look at the first ad you see. It’s trying to create
uninformed consumers making irrational choices. That’s the whole point of the
huge advertising industry. But also to try to control and manipulate thought.
And it takes various forms in different institutions. The
media do it one way, the academic institutions do it another way, and the
educational system is a crucial part of it. This is not a new
observation. There’s actually an interesting essay by--Orwell’s, which is
not very well known because it wasn’t published. It’s the introduction to
Animal Farm. In the introduction, he addresses himself to the people of England
and he says, you shouldn’t feel too self-righteous reading this satire of the
totalitarian enemy, because in free England, ideas can be suppressed without
the use of force. And he doesn’t say much about it. He actually has two
sentences. He says one reason is the press “is owned by wealthy men” who have every
reason not to want certain ideas to be expressed. But the second reason,
and the more important one in my view, is a good education, so that if you’ve
gone to all the good schools, you know, Oxford, Cambridge, and so on, you have instilled into you
the understanding that there are certain things it wouldn’t do to say--and I don’t think he went far enough: wouldn’t do to think. And
that’s very broad among the educated classes. That’s why overwhelmingly they
tend to support state power and state violence, and maybe with some
qualifications, like, say, Obama is regarded as a
critic of the invasion of Iraq. Why? Because he thought it was a strategic
blunder. That puts him on the same moral level as some Nazi general who thought
that the second front was a strategic blunder--you should knock off England first.
That’s called criticism. And sometimes it’s kind of outlandish. For
example, there was just a review in The New York Times Book Review of Glenn
Greenwald’s new book by Michael Kinsley, and which bitterly condemned him
as--mostly character assassination. Didn’t say anything substantive. But Kinsley did say that it’s ridiculous to think that there’s
any repression in the media in the United States, ‘cause we can write quite
clearly and criticize anything. And he can, but then you have to look at
what he says, and it’s quite interesting. In the 1980s, when the major
local news story was the massive U.S. atrocities in Central America--they were
horrendous; I mean, it wasn’t presented that way, but that’s what was
happening--Kinsley was the voice of the left on
television. And there were interesting incidents. At one point, the U.S.
Southern Command, which ran--you know, it was the overseer of these
actions--gave instructions to the terrorist force that they were running in
Nicaragua, called the Contras--and they were a terrorist force--they gave them
orders to--they said “not to (...) duke it out with the Sandinistas”, meaning
avoid the Nicaraguan army, and attack undefended targets like agricultural
cooperatives and, you know, health clinics and so on. And they could do it,
because they were the first guerrillas in history to have high-level
communications equipment, you know, computers and so on. The U.S., the CIA,
just controlled the air totally, so they could send instructions to the
terrorist forces telling them how to avoid the Nicaraguan army detachments and
attack undefended civilian targets. Well, this was mentioned; you know, it wasn’t
publicized, but it was mentioned. And Americas
Watch, which later became part of Human Rights Watch, made some protests. And
Michael Kinsley responded. He condemned Americas Watch for their emotionalism.
He said, we have to recognize that we have to accept a pragmatic criterion. We have to
ask--something like this--he said, we have to compare the amount of blood and
misery poured in with the success of the outcome in producing democracy--what
we’ll call democracy. And if it meets the
pragmatic criterion, then terrorist attacks against civilian targets are
perfectly legitimate--which is not a surprising view in his case. He’s the editor
of The New Republic. The New Republic, supposedly a liberal journal, was arguing that we should support Latin American
fascists, because there are more important things than human rights in El
Salvador, where they were
murdering tens of thousands of people. That’s
the liberals. And, yeah, they can get in the media no problem. And they’re
praised for it, regarded with praise. All of this is part of the massive system
of--you know, it’s not that anybody sits at the top and plans at all; it’s just
exactly as Orwell said: it’s instilled into you. It’s part of a deep
indoctrination system which leads to a certain way of looking at the world and
looking at authority, which says, yes, we have to be subordinate to authority,
we have to believe we’re very independent and free and proud of it. As long as
we keep within the limits, we are. Try to go beyond those limits, you’re out.
3.
Hedges: But that system, of course, is constant.
But what’s changed is that we don’t produce anything anymore. So what we define
as our working class is a service sector class working in places like Walmart.
And the effective forms of resistance--the sitdown strikes, you know, going
back even further in the middle of the 19th century with the women in Lowell--I
think that was--the Wobblies were behind those textile strikes. What are the
mechanisms now? And I know you have written, as many anarchists have done,
about the importance of the working class controlling the means of production,
taking control, and you have a great quote about how, you know, Lenin and the
Bolsheviks are right-wing deviants, I think, was the--which is, of course,
exactly right, because it was centralized control, destroying the Soviets.
Given the fact that production has moved to places like Bangladesh or southern China,
what is going to be the paradigm now? And given, as you point out, the powerful
forces of propaganda--and you touched upon now the security and surveillance
state. We are the most monitored, watched, photographed, eavesdropped
population in human history. And you cannot even use the world liberty when you
eviscerate privacy. That’s what totalitarian is. What is the road we take now,
given the paradigm that we have, which is somewhat different from, you know,
what this country was, certainly, in the first half of the 20th century?
4.
Chomsky: I think it’s
pretty much the same, frankly. The idea still should be that of the Knights of
Labor: those who work in the mills should own them. And there’s plenty
of manufacturing going on in the country, and probably there will be more, for
unpleasant reasons. One thing that’s happening right now which is quite interesting is
that energy prices are going down in the United States because of the massive
exploitation of fossil fuels, which is going to destroy our grandchildren, but
under the, you know, capitalist morality, the calculus is that profits tomorrow
outweigh the existence of your grandchildren. It’s institutionally-based, so,
yes, we’re getting lower energy prices. And if you look at the business press, they’re,
you know, very enthusiastic about the fact that we can undercut manufacturing
in Europe because we’ll have lower energy prices, and therefore manufacturing
will come back here, and we can even undermine European efforts at developing
sustainable energy because we’ll have this advantage. Britain is
saying the same thing. I was just in England recently. As I left the airport, I
read The Daily Telegraph, you know, I mean, newspaper. Big headline: England is
going to begin fracking all of the country, even fracking under people’s homes
without their permission. And that’ll allow us to destroy the environment even
more quickly and will bring manufacturing back here. The same is true with
Asia. Manufacturing is moving back, to an extent, to Mexico, and even here, as
wages increase in China, partly because of labor struggles. There’s massive
labor struggles in China, huge, all over the place, and since we’re integrated
with them, we can be supportive of them. But manufacturing is coming back here.
And both manufacturing and the service industries can move towards having those
who do the work take over the management and ownership and control. In fact, it’s
happening. In the old Rust Belt--you know, Indiana, Ohio, and so on--there’s a
significant--not huge, but significant growth of worker-owned enterprises. They’re
not huge, but they’re substantial around Cleveland and other places. The
background is interesting. In 1977, U.S. Steel,
the, you know, multinational, decided to close down their mills in Youngstown,
Ohio. Youngstown is a steel town, sort of built by the steelworkers, one of the
main steel-producing areas. Well, the union tried to buy the plants from U.S.
Steel. They objected--in my view, mostly on class lines. They might have even
profited from it. But the idea of worker-owned industry doesn’t have much
appeal to corporate leaders, which means bankers and so on. It went to the
courts. Finally, the union lost in the courts. But with enough popular support,
they could have won. Well, the working class and the community did not
give up. They couldn’t get the steel mills, but they began to develop small
worker-owned enterprises. They’ve now spread throughout the region. They’re
substantial. And it can happen more and more. And the same thing happened in Walmarts.
I mean, there’s massive efforts right now, significant ones, to organize the
service workers--what they call associates--in the service industries. And
these industries, remember, depend very heavily on taxpayer largess in all
kinds of ways. I mean, for example, let’s take, say, Walmarts. They import goods produced in China, which are brought here
on container ships which were designed and developed by the U.S. Navy. And
point after point where you look, you find that the way the system--the system
that we now have is one which is radically anticapitalist, radically so. I
mean, I mentioned one thing, the powerful effort to try to undermine markets
for consumers, but there’s something much more striking. I mean, in a
capitalist system, the basic principle is that, say, if you invest in something
and, say, it’s a risky investment, so you put money into it for a long time,
maybe decades, and finally after a long time something comes out that’s
marketable for a profit, it’s supposed to go back to you. That’s not the way it
works here. Take, say, computers, internet, lasers, microelectronics,
containers, GPS, in fact the whole IT revolution. There was taxpayer investment
in that for decades, literally decades, doing all the hard, creative, risky
work. Does the taxpayer get any of the profit? None, because that’s not the way
our system works. It’s radically anti-capitalist, just as it’s radically
anti-democratic, opposed to markets, in favor of concentrating wealth and
power. But that doesn’t have to be accepted by the population. These are--all
kinds of forms of resistance to this can be developed if people become aware of
it.
5.
Hedges: Well, you could argue that in the
election of 2008, Obama wasn’t accepted by the population. But what we see
repeatedly is that once elected officials achieve power through, of course,
corporate financing, the consent of the governed is a kind of cruel joke. It
doesn’t, poll after poll. I mean, I sued Obama over the
National Defense Authorization Act, in which you were coplaintiff, and the
polling was 97 percent against this section of the NDAA. And yet the
courts, which have become wholly owned subsidiaries of the corporate state, the
elected officials, the executive branch, and the press, which largely ignored
it--the only organ that responsibly covered the case was, ironically, The New
York Times. We don’t have--it doesn’t matter what we want. It doesn’t--I mean,
and I think, you know, that’s the question: how do we effect change when we
have reached a point where we can no longer appeal to the traditional liberal
institutions that, as Karl Popper said once, made incremental or piecemeal
reform possible, to adjust the system--of course, to save capitalism? But now
it can’t even adjust the system. You know, we see cutting welfare.
6.
Chomsky: Yeah. I mean, it’s perfectly true that
the population is mostly disenfranchised. In fact, that’s a leading theme even
of academic political science. You take a look at the mainstream political
science, so, for example, a recent paper that was just published out of Princeton by
Martin Gilens and Benjamin Page, two of the
leading analysts of these topics, what they point out is they went through a
couple of thousand policy decisions and found what has long been known, that
there was almost no--that the public attitudes had almost no effect. Public
organizations that are--nonprofit organizations that are publicly based, no
effect. The outcomes were determined by concentrated private power. There’s
a long record of that going way back. Thomas Ferguson, a
political scientist near here, has shown very convincingly that something as
simple as campaign spending is a very good predictor of policy. That goes back
into the late 19th century, right through the New Deal, you know, right up till
the present. And that’s only one element
of it. And you take a look at the literature, about 70 percent of the
population, what they believe has no effect on policy at all. You get a little
more influence as you go up. When you get to the top, which is probably, like,
a tenth of one percent, they basically write the legislation. I mean,
you see this all over. I mean, take these huge
so-called trade agreements that are being negotiated, Trans-Pacific and
Transatlantic--enormous agreements, kind of NAFTA-style agreements. They’re
secret--almost. They’re not secret from the hundreds of corporate lawyers and
lobbyists who are writing them. They know about it, which means that their
bosses know about it. And the Obama
administration and the press says, look, this has to be secret, otherwise we
can’t defend our interests. Yeah, our interests means the interests of the
corporate lawyers and lobbyists who are writing the legislation. Take the few pieces that have been leaked and you see
that’s exactly what it is. Same with the others. But it doesn’t mean you
have to accept it. And there have been changes. So take, say--in the 1920s, the
labor movement had been practically destroyed. There’s a famous book. One of
the leading labor historians, David Montgomery, has
a major book called something like The Fall of the House of Labor. He’s talking
about the 1920s. It was done. There had been a very militant labor movement,
very effective, farmers movement as well. Crushed in the 1920s. Almost nothing
left. Well, in the 1930s it changed, and it changed because of popular
activism.
7.
Hedges: But it also changed because of the
breakdown of capitalism.
8.
Chomsky: There was a
circumstance that led to the opportunity to do something, but we’re living with
that constantly. I mean, take the last 30 years. For the majority of the
population it’s been stagnation or worse. That’s--it’s not exactly
the deep Depression, but it’s kind of a permanent semi-depression for most of
the population. That’s--there’s plenty of
kindling out there which can be lighted. And what happened in the ‘30s
is primarily CIO organizing, the militant actions like sit-down strikes. A
sit-down strike’s very frightening. It’s a step before taking over the
institution and saying, we don’t need the bosses. And that--there was a
cooperative administration, Roosevelt administration, so there was some
interaction. And significant legislation was passed--not radical, but
significant, underestimated. And it happened again in the ‘60s. It can happen
again today. So I don’t think that one should abandon hope in chipping away at
the more oppressive aspects of the society within the electoral system. But it’s
only going to happen if there’s massive popular organization, which doesn’t
have to stop at that. It can also be building the institutions of the future
within the present society.
9.
Hedges: Would you say that the--you spoke about
propaganda earlier and the Creel Commission and the rise of the public
relations industry. The capacity to disseminate propaganda is something that
now you virtually can’t escape it. I mean, it’s there in some electronic form,
even in a hand-held device. Does that make that propaganda more effective?
10.
Chomsky: Well, and it’s kind of an interesting
question. Like a lot of people, I’ve written a lot
about media and intellectual propaganda, but there’s another question which isn’t
studied much: how effective is it? And that’s--when you brought up the
polls, it’s a striking illustration. The propaganda is--you can see from the
poll results that the propaganda has only limited effectiveness. I mean, it can drive a population into terror and fear and war
hysteria, like before the Iraq invasion or 1917 and so on, but over time,
public attitudes remain quite different. In fact, studies even of what’s
called the right-wing, you know, people who say, get the government off my
back, that kind of sector, they turn out to be kind of social democratic. They
want more spending on health, more spending on education, more spending on,
say, women with dependent children, but not welfare, no spending on welfare, because
Reagan, who was an extreme racist, succeeded in demonizing the notion of
welfare. So in people’s minds welfare means a rich black woman driving in
her limousine to the welfare office to steal your money. Well, nobody wants
that. But they want what welfare does. Foreign
aid is an interesting case. There’s an enormous propaganda against foreign aid,
‘cause we’re giving everything to the undeserving people out there. You
take a look at public attitudes. A lot of opposition to foreign aid. Very high.
On the other hand, when you ask people, how much do we give in foreign aid? Way
beyond what we give. When you ask what we should give in foreign aid, far above
what we give. And this runs across the board. Take,
say taxes. There’ve been studies of attitudes towards taxes for 40
years. Overwhelmingly the population says taxes are much too low for the rich
and the corporate sector. You’ve got to raise it. What happens? Well, the
opposite. It’s just exactly as Orwell said: it’s instilled into you. It’s part
of a deep indoctrination system which leads to a certain way of looking at the
world and looking at authority, which says, yes, we have to be subordinate to
authority, we have to believe we’re very independent and free and proud of it.
As long as we keep within the limits, we are. Try to go beyond those limits,
you’re out.
11.
Hedges: Well, what was fascinating about--I
mean, the point, just to buttress this point: when you took the major issues of
the Occupy movement, they were a majoritarian movement. When you look back on
the Occupy movement, what do you think its failings were, its importance were?
12.
Chomsky: Well, I think it’s a little misleading
to call it a movement. Occupy was a tactic, in fact a brilliant tactic. I mean,
if I’d been asked a couple of months earlier whether they should take over
public places, I would have said it’s crazy. But it worked extremely well, and
it lit a spark which went all over the place. Hundreds and hundreds of places
in the country, there were Occupy events. It was all over the world. I mean, I
gave talks in Sydney, Australia, to the Occupy movement there. But it was a
tactic, a very effective tactic. Changed public discourse, not policy. It brought
issues to the forefront. I think my own feeling is its most important
contribution was just to break through the atomization of the society. I mean,
it’s a very atomized society. There’s all sorts of efforts to separate people
from one another, as if the ideal social unit is, you know, you and your TV
set.
13.
Hedges: You know, Hannah Arendt raises
atomization as one of the key components of totalitarianism.
14.
Chomsky: Exactly. And the Occupy actions broke
that down for a large part of the population. People
could recognize that we can get together and do things for ourselves, we can
have a common kitchen, we can have a place for public discourse, we can form
our ideas and do something. Now, that’s an important attack on the core of the
means by which the public is controlled. So you’re not just an
individual trying to maximize your consumption, but there are other concerns in
life, and you can do something about them. If those attitudes and associations
and bonds can be sustained and move in other directions, that’ll be important. But
going back to Occupy, it’s a tactic. Tactics have a
kind of a half-life. You can’t keep doing them, and certainly you can’t keep
occupying public places for very long. And was very successful, but it was not
in itself a movement. The question is: what happens to the people who were involved
in it? Do they go on and develop, do they move into communities, pick up community
issues? Do they organize? Take, say, this business of, say, worker-owned
industry. Right here in Massachusetts, not far from
here, there was something similar. One of the multinationals decided to close
down a fairly profitable small plant, which was producing aerospace equipment.
High-skilled workers and so on, but it wasn’t profitable enough, so they were
going to close it down. The union wanted to buy it. Company refused--usual
class reasons, I think. If the Occupy efforts had been available at the
time, they could have provided the public support for it. This happened when
Obama virtually nationalized the auto industry. There were choices. One choice
was what he took, of course, was to rescue it, return it to essentially the
same owners--different faces, but the same class basis--and send them back to
doing what they had been doing in the past--producing automobiles. There were
other choices, and if something like the Occupy movement had been around and
sufficient, it could have driven the government into other choices, like, for
example, turning the auto plants over to the working class and have them produce
what the country needs. I mean, we don’t need more cars. We need mass public transportation. The United States is
an absolute scandal in this regard. I just
came back from Europe--so you can see it dramatically. You get on a European
train, you can go where you want to go in no time. Well, the train from Boston
to New York, it may be, I don’t know, 20 minutes faster than when I took it 60
years ago. You go along the Connecticut Turnpike and the trucks are going
faster than the train. Recently Japan offered the United States a
low-interest loan to build high-speed rail from Washington to New York. It was
turned down, of course. But what they were offering was to build the kind of
train that I took in Japan 50 years ago. And this was a scandal all over the
country. Well, you know, a reconstituted auto industry
could have turned in that direction under worker and community control. I
don’t think these things are out of sight. And, incidentally, they even have
so-called conservative support, because they’re within a broader what’s called
capitalist framework (it’s not really capitalist). And those are directions
that should be pressed. Right now, for example, the
Steelworkers union is trying to establish some kind of relations with
Mondragon, the huge worker-owned conglomerate in the Basque country in Spain,
which is very successful, in fact, and includes industry, manufacturing, banks,
hospitals, living quarters. It’s very broad. It’s not impossible that
that can be brought here, and it’s potentially radical. It’s creating the basis
for quite a different society. And I think with things like, say, Occupy, the
timing wasn’t quite right. But if the timing had been a little better (and this
goes on all the time, so it’s always possible), it could have provided a kind
of an impetus to move significant parts of the socioeconomic system in a
different direction. And once those things begin to take off and people can see
the advantages of them, it can become quite significant. There are kind of
islands like that around the country. So take
Chattanooga, Tennessee. It happens to have a publicly organized internet
system. It’s by far the best in the country. Rapid internet access for broad
parts of the population. I suspect the roots of it probably go back to the TVA
and the New Deal initiatives. Well, if that can spread throughout the country
(why not? it’s very efficient, very cheap, works very well), it could undermine
the telecommunications industry and its oligopoly, which would be a very good
thing. There are lots of possibilities like this.
15.
Hedges: I want to ask just two last questions.
First, the fact that we have become a militarized society, something all of the
predictions of the Anti-Imperialist League at the end of the 19th century,
including Carnegie and Jane Addams--hard to think of them both in the same
room. But you go back and read what they wrote, and they were right how
militarized society has deformed us economically--Seymour Melman wrote about
this quite well--and politically. And that is a hurdle that as we attempt to
reform or reconfigure our society we have to cope with. And I wondered if you
could address this military monstrosity that you have written about quite a
bit.
16.
Chomsky: Well, for one thing, the public doesn’t
like it. What’s
called isolationism or one or another bad word, as, you know, pacifism was, is
just the public recognition that there’s something deeply wrong with our
dedication to military force all over the world. Now, of course, at the same time, the public is frightened into
believing that we have to defend ourselves. And it’s not entirely false. Part
of the military system is generating forces which will be harmful to us, say,
Obama’s terrorist campaign, drone campaign, the biggest terrorist campaign in
history. It’s generating potential terrorists faster than it’s killing
suspects. You can see it. It’s very striking what’s happening right now
in Iraq. And the truth of the matter is very evident. Go
back to the Nuremberg judgments. I’m not telling you anything you don’t
know, but in Nuremberg aggression was defined as “the supreme
international crime,” differing from other war crimes in that it
includes, it encompasses all of the evil that follows. Well, the
U.S.-British invasion of Iraq is a textbook case of aggression. By the
standards of Nuremberg, they’d all be hanged. And one of the things it did, one
of the crimes was to ignite a Sunni-Shiite conflict which hadn’t been going on.
I mean, there was, you know, various kinds of tensions, but Iraqis didn’t
believe there could ever be a conflict. They were intermarried, they lived in
the same places, and so on. But the invasion set it off. Took off on its own.
By now it’s inflaming the whole region. Now we’re at the point where Sunni
jihadi forces are actually marching on Baghdad.
17.
Hedges: And the Iraqi army is collapsing.
18.
Chomsky: The Iraqi army’s just giving away their
arms. There obviously is a lot of collaboration going on. And all of this is a
U.S. crime if we believe in the validity of the judgments against the Nazis. And it’s
kind of interesting. Robert Jackson, the chief prosecutor, a U.S. justice, at
the tribunal, addressed the tribunal, and he pointed out, as he put it, that we’re
giving these defendants a “poisoned chalice”, and if we ever sip from it, [which
has occured many times.] we have to be treated the same way, or else the whole
thing is a farce and we should recognize this as just victor’s justice.
19.
Hedges: But it’s not accidental that our
security and surveillance apparatus is militarized. And you’re right, of
course, that there is no broad popular support for this expanding military
adventurism. And yet the question is if there is a serious effort to curtail
their power and their budgets. They have mechanisms. And we even heard Nancy
Pelosi echo this in terms of how they play dirty. I mean, they are monitoring
all the elected officials as well.
20.
Chomsky: Monitoring. But
despite everything, it’s still a pretty free society, and the recognition by
U.S. and British business back 100 years ago that they can no longer control
the population by violence is correct. And control of attitude and
opinion is pretty fragile, as is surveillance. It’s very different than sending
in the storm troopers. You know, so there’s a lot of latitude, for people of
relative privilege, at least, to do all sorts of things. I mean, it’s different if you’re a black kid in the ghetto. Yeah,
then you’re subjected to state violence. But for a large part of the
population, there’s plenty of opportunities which have not been available in the
past.
21.
Hedges: But those people are essentially
passive, virtually.
22.
Chomsky: But they don’t have to be.
23.
Hedges: They don’t have to be, but Hannah
Arendt, when she writes about the omnipotent policing were directed against the
stateless, including ourself and France, said the problem of building
omnipotent policing, which we have done in our marginal neighborhoods in
targeting people of color--we can have their doors kicked in and stopped at
random and thrown in jail for decades for crimes they didn’t commit--is that
when you have a societal upheaval, you already have both a legal and a physical
mechanism by which that omnipotent policing can be quickly inflicted.
24.
Chomsky: I don’t think that’s true here. I think
the time has passed when that can be done for increasing parts of the
population, those who have almost any degree of privilege. The state may want
to do it, but they don’t have the power to do it. They can carry out extensive
surveillance, monitoring, they can be violent against parts of the population
that can’t defend themselves--undocumented immigrants, black kids in the
ghetto, and so on--but even that can be undercut. For
example, one of the major scandals in the United States since Reagan is the
huge incarceration program, which is a weapon against--it’s a race war. But it’s
based on drugs. And there is finally cutting away at the source of this and the
criminalization and the radical distortion of the way criminalization of drug
use has worked. That can have an effect. I mean,
I think--look, there’s no doubt that the population is passive. There are lots of
ways of keeping them passive. [Accurate.] There’s lots of ways of marginalizing
and atomizing them. But that’s different from
storm troopers. It’s quite different. And it can be overcome, has been overcome
in the past. And I think there are lots of initiatives, some of them
being undertaken, others developing, which can be used to break down this
system. I think it’s a very fragile system, including the militarism.
25.
Hedges: Let’s just close with climate change.
Like, I read climate change reports, which--.
26.
Chomsky: Well, unfortunately, that’s--may doom
us all, and not in the long-distance future. That just overwhelms everything.
It is the first time in human history when we not only--we have the capacity to
destroy the conditions for a decent survival. And it’s already happening. I mean, just
take a look at species destruction. Species destruction now is estimated to be
at about the level of 65 million years ago when an asteroid hit the earth and
ended the period of the dinosaurs, wiped out huge numbers of species. Same
level today, and we’re the asteroid. And you take a look at what’s
happening in the world, I mean, anybody looking at this from outer space would
be astonished. I mean, there are sectors of the global population that are
trying to impede the catastrophe. There are other sectors that are trying to
accelerate it. And you take a look at who they are. Those who are trying to
impede it are the ones we call backward: indigenous populations, the First
Nations in Canada, you know, aboriginals from Australia, the tribal people in
India, you know, all over the world, are trying to impede it. Who’s
accelerating it? The most privileged, advanced--so-called advanced--educated
populations in the world, U.S. and Canada right in the lead. And we know why. There
are also--. Here’s an interesting case of manufacture of consent and does it
work? You take a look at international polls on global warming, Americans, who
are the most propagandized on this--I mean, there’s huge propaganda efforts to
make it believe it’s not happening--they’re a little below the norm, so there’s
some effect of the propaganda. It’s stratified. If you take a look at
Republicans, they’re way below the norm. But what’s happening in the Republican
Party all across the spectrum is a very striking. So, for example, about
two-thirds of Republicans believe that there were weapons of mass destruction
in Iraq and all sorts of other things. You know. So it’s stratified. But there’s
some impact of the propaganda, but not overwhelming. Most
of the population still regards it as a serious problem. There’s actually an
interesting article about this in the Columbia Journalism Review which just
appeared, current issue, the lead critical review of journalism. They attribute
this to what they call the doctrine of fairness in the media. Doctrine
of fairness says that if you have an opinion piece by 95, 97 percent of the
scientists, you have to pair it with an opinion piece by the energy
corporations, ‘cause that’d be fair and balanced. There isn’t any such
doctrine. Like, if you have an opinion piece denouncing Putin as the new Hitler
for annexing Crimea, you don’t have to balance it with an opinion piece saying
that 100 years ago the United States took over southeastern Cuba at the point
of a gun and is still holding it, though it has absolutely no justification
other than to try to undermine Cuban development, whereas in contrast, whatever
you think of Putin, there’s reasons. You don’t have to have that. And you have
to have fair and balanced when it affects the concerns of private power,
period. But try to get an article in the Columbia Journalism Review pointing
that out, although it’s transparent. So all those things are there, but they
can be overcome, and they’d better be. This isn’t--you know, unless there’s a
sharp reversal in policy, unless we here in the so-called advanced societies
can gain the consciousness of the indigenous people of the world, we’re in deep
trouble. Our grandchildren are going to suffer from it.
27.
Hedges: And I think you would agree that’s not
going to come from the power elite.
28.
Chomsky: It’s certainly not.
29.
Hedges: It’s up to us.
30.
Chomsky: Absolutely. And it’s urgent.
31.
Hedges: It is. Thank you very much.
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