“POVERTY”, wrote Aristotle, “is the parent of crime.”
But was he right? Certainly, poverty and crime are associated. And the idea
that a lack of income might drive someone to misdeeds sounds plausible. But
research by Amir Sariaslan of the Karolinska Institute, in Stockholm, and his
colleagues, just published in the British Journal of Psychiatry, casts doubt on
the chain of causation—at least as far as violent crime and the misuse of drugs
are concerned.
Using the rich troves of personal data which Scandinavian
governments collect about their citizens, Mr Sariaslan and his team were able
to study more than half a million children born in Sweden between 1989 and
1993. The records they consulted contained information about these people’s
educational attainments, annual family incomes and criminal convictions. They
also enabled the researchers to identify everybody’s siblings.
In Sweden the age of criminal responsibility is 15,
so Mr Sariaslan tracked his subjects from the dates of their 15th birthdays
onwards, for an average of three-and-a-half years. He found, to no one’s
surprise, that teenagers who had grown up in families whose earnings were among
the bottom fifth were seven times more likely to be convicted of violent
crimes, and twice as likely to be convicted of drug offences, as those whose
family incomes were in the top fifth.
What did surprise him was that when he looked at
families which had started poor and got richer, the younger children—those born
into relative affluence—were just as likely to misbehave when they were
teenagers as their elder siblings had been. Family income was not, per se, the
determining factor.
That suggests two, not mutually exclusive,
possibilities. One is that a family’s culture, once established, is
“sticky”—that you can, to put it crudely, take the kid out of the
neighbourhood, but not the neighbourhood out of the kid. Given, for example,
children’s propensity to emulate elder siblings whom they admire, that sounds
perfectly plausible. The other possibility is that genes which predispose to
criminal behaviour (several studies suggest such genes exist) are more common
at the bottom of society than at the top, perhaps because the lack of
impulse-control they engender also tends to reduce someone’s earning capacity.
Neither of these conclusions is likely to be welcome
to social reformers. The first suggests that merely topping up people’s
incomes, though it may well be a good idea for other reasons, will not by
itself address questions of bad behaviour. The second raises the possibility
that the problem of intergenerational poverty may be self-reinforcing,
particularly in rich countries like Sweden where the winnowing effects of
education and the need for high levels of skill in many jobs will favour those
who can control their behaviour, and not those who rely on too many chemical
crutches to get them through the day.
This is only one study, of course. Such conclusions
will need to be tested by others. But if they are
confirmed, the fact that they are uncomfortable will be no excuse for ignoring
them.
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