In the summer of 2012, the national ACLU and 38
affiliates submitted public records requests to local, state and federal law
enforcement agencies to learn about how they are engaging with license plate
readers—powerful cameras that, used without proper safeguards, enable the
government to perform society-wide, retroactive and warrantless tracking of
motorists. One of the things we were interested in learning was how federal
agencies deploy plate readers, and how they fund procurement of the powerful tools
at the state and local levels nationwide. We filed requests with the federal
Departments of Justice, Homeland Security and Transportation hoping to shed
some light on these questions.
The results of our requests confirm prior reports
that federal agencies do not appropriately keep track of their funding
assistance to state and local law enforcement agencies. Our results also
confirm that agencies with critical law enforcement and intelligence missions
too often shroud their activities in secrecy.
A year after we filed those requests, we still haven’t
learned very much about the actual federal programs. While one office at the
Departments of Justice was forthcoming with documents, we
had to file suit to force the DOJ and DHS to release records, including
those maintained by the FBI. That lawsuit is ongoing. Organizations and
individuals should not have to sue the government to obtain records under FOIA
law. Nevertheless, it’s increasingly clear that we must sue in order to obtain
information from federal agencies, particularly when the records sought concern
government surveillance programs.
Government refusals to disclose records are unacceptable,
but even the federal agency that immediately complied with FOIA law provided us
incomplete information. The DOJ’s Bureau of Justice Statistics was cooperative,
but honest in its assessment that it probably could not disclose an accurate
and complete record of how much money the agency doled out to states and locals
for license plate readers. That’s because the grant programs are so enormous,
the reporting so spotty and incomplete, and the records systems so vast and
unwieldy.
This wasn’t exactly news, either. We’ve known for
some time that the federal government doesn’t keep very good track of “homeland
security” related aid to state and local governments. Well back in 2009, a Congressional Research
Report highlighted the fact that “the question remains whether or not [DHS]
grant funding [to states and locals] has been used in an effective way to
enhance the nation’s homeland security.” That’s in part because DHS funding arm
FEMA “does not consistently and comprehensively execute its two oversight
activities, which are financial and program monitoring,” the investigation
concluded.
Years later, the problem had still not been fixed
when Congress issued a report about so-called “fusion centers” and DHS funding
for what the agency describes as local anti-terrorism efforts. The Senate
Subcommittee for Investigations could
not figure out exactly how much money DHS had doled out to state and local “fusion
centers,” putting the figure at somewhere between $289 million and $1.4
billion. That’s a transparency and accountability gap of over one billion
dollars. The Senate subcommittee called on DHS to “track how much money it
gives” to local governments for “homeland security” operations, and to measure
dollars spent in terms of “value and performance.”
The Department of Justice, which also oversees enormous
funding programs to sustain and
expand the power and influence of police departments nationwide, should heed
the same advice.
The federal government has given state and local
agencies billions of dollars in law enforcement and “homeland security“ aid
over the past decade. Taxpayers deserve to know exactly how that money is
spent, and where, so that we can decide whether or not these investments are
worth it, and so we can understand to what extent federal money is driving
local policing practices.
That is especially true with respect to surveillance
technologies like license plate readers, which have such significant
implications for our society, and which many—if not most—local police
departments can’t afford to buy independently. To what extent is the federal
government funding the transformation of our local police departments into
militarized, quasi-intelligence agencies, equipped with the latest surveillance
and monitoring equipment? In the interests of democracy and public
accountability, we should be able to answer those questions with hard
statistics.
The Department of Homeland Security has to date
provided zero information about how it has funded license plate reader
acquisitions nationwide, even though open source media accounts from every part
of the country demonstrate that it has played a significant role in funding
acquisitions for state and local police departments.
The past decade of nearly unlimited “homeland
security” and law enforcement money flows may be slowing down, but these
critical accountability questions are not going away. We deserve to know how
our money is spent, where and why. That’s one of the most basic features of a
democracy. But at present, as our records requests show, we can’t.
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